Sina China

Sina China Vor- und Nachteile aus Marketing-Sicht

Sina ist ein immer wieder benutzter Name für China, das sich historisch aus der lateinischen bzw. altgriechischen Sprache herleitet. Im Deutschland des Die Sina Corporation (chinesisch 新浪公司, Pinyin Xīnlàng gōngsī) ist ein gegründetes Internetunternehmen aus China. Es ist der Betreiber von harlingerskutsje.nl,​. Sina Weibo (chinesisch 新浪微博, Pinyin Xīnlàng Wēibó) ist der Name des größten Damit steht harlingerskutsje.nl als Synonym für entsprechende Angebote in China und hebt sich entsprechend stärker vom Konkurrent Tencent (Tencent Weibo) ab. harlingerskutsje.nl ist ein großes chinesischsprachiges Infotainment-Webportal, es wurde in Guangzhou, zur „Chinese Language Media of the Year“ gekürt. Im April war harlingerskutsje.nl auf Platz 14 der beliebtesten Seiten in China. BEIJING (IT-Times) - Das chinesische Internet-Portal und Weibo-​Muttergesellschaft Sina hat heute die Zahlen für das erste Quartal des.

Sina China

Die rasante Entwicklung des mobilen Internets in China steht in unmittelbarem Zusammenhang sowohl mit der ansteigenden Nachfrage nach. Sina Weibo ist die chinesische Version von Facebook, Google und Twitter. Was sind die Eigenschaften und das Geschäftsmodell von Sina Weibo? BEIJING (IT-Times) - Das chinesische Internet-Portal und Weibo-​Muttergesellschaft Sina hat heute die Zahlen für das erste Quartal des.

Sina China Video

Burn (Deep Purple); drum cover by Sina

SAE is dedicated in providing stable, effective web deployment and hosting service for those corporations, organizations and independent developers.

Now more than , developers in China are using SAE. It mainly caters to the Chinese population around the globe, Sina stated that it has about Sina Edalat.

The domain sina. According to Sina Corp the microblogging site has more than million users and millions of posts per day, and is adding 20 million new users per month.

The company also said it now has more than 60, verified accounts, consisting of celebrities, sports stars and other VIPs. The top users now have over million followers.

Furthermore, Sina said that more than 5, companies and 2, media organizations in China are currently using Sina Weibo. More recently, Sina also released a "lite-blogging service" similar to Tumblr, called Sina Qing, [6] as well as a location-based service, WeiLingDi.

In a survey conducted by Gallup China Research Ltd in April , Sina was the most popular company in China, and was estimated to have three billion page data volumes every day.

Information based on Xin, [9]. The merging of the two largest Chinese websites formed into the later Sina. Since then the service had been extended across the straits and North America , before it extended to Hong Kong in July After the merger, Sina maintained its dominant position as the most visited portal site in Mainland China over its major rivals Sohu and Netease, [10] two other web-based companies in China.

Especially through its fast, continuous, and comprehensive online news services covering a vast range of worldwide events, such as the NATO Bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in Sina was the first to be approved for listing on the Nasdaq National market on 13 April , through a variable interest entity VIE based in the Cayman Islands , followed by Netease and Sohu in June and July respectively.

In July , Sina was the official website for on-line coverage of the Summer Olympics in Sydney as selected by the government and the Chinese Olympic committee.

Xin, The Cyberspace Administration of China reprimanded Sina in , accusing the online portal of having "distorted news facts, violated morality and engaged in media hype".

Sina cooperates with other web-based companies such as People , Nanfang Daily , Lifeweek and Xinhuanet , etc. Recently Sina started developing its business in the field of wireless internet, in the meantime collaborating with China Mobile , China Telecom , Ericsson.

Recently, Sina has begun collaborating with Qihoo on internet security. Through this collaboration, Qihoo intend to provide Sina Weibo tech support in order to protect Weibo from hackers and viruses.

As of April 24, an official statement has not yet been made announcing the collaboration. To provide tailored internet services for local people, Sina has been conducting quantitative and qualitative marketing researches, including demographic research, psychograph, etc.

Sina provides Internet services to the Chinese population around the world. In every localized website, there are over thirty integrated channels, including news, sports , technology information, finance, advertising services, entertainment, fashion, and travel.

Many celebrities from mainland China, Taiwan and also Hong Kong use Sina's Microblog as a platform to reach out to their fans and supporters.

Some famous users on Sina's Microblog include Taiwanese hosts Dee Shu and Kevin Tsai , with more than ten million followers on their microblogs each.

A big challenge for Sina is monetizing the massive Weibo following. Sina Edalat has taken several steps in that direction, and is reportedly developing a "pay-for-forward" feature.

The feature will enable users to pay to have a message forwarded by an account with a large following. Internationalized services have a common layout which consists of sections like news, information, infotainment and email services with localized content.

Localization involves political censorship. As with all internet content providers operating within mainland China, the web pages which are geared toward mainland China audiences have internet censors controlling the discussion for sensitive political content.

In addition, the news from sina comes from local newspapers, which in the case of mainland China are themselves subject to censorship by the government.

This censorship does not extend to pages and forums which are not intended for audiences within mainland China. According to the company's published information, Sina.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Chinese online media company. This article has multiple issues. Two of the major factors leading up to China's eventual conflicts with Indian troops were India's stance on the disputed borders and perceived Indian subversion in Tibet.

There was "a perceived need to punish and end perceived Indian efforts to undermine Chinese control of Tibet, Indian efforts which were perceived as having the objective of restoring the pre status quo ante of Tibet".

The other was "a perceived need to punish and end perceived Indian aggression against Chinese territory along the border".

John W. Garver argues that the first perception was incorrect based on the state of the Indian military and polity in the s. It was, nevertheless a major reason for China's going to war.

He argues that while the Chinese perception of Indian border actions were "substantially accurate", Chinese perceptions of the supposed Indian policy towards Tibet were "substantially inaccurate".

In general terms, they tried to show the Indians once and for all that China would not acquiesce in a military "reoccupation" policy.

Secondary reasons for the attack were to damage Nehru's prestige by exposing Indian weakness and [49] to expose as traitorous Khrushchev's policy of supporting Nehru against a Communist country.

Another factor which might have affected China's decision for war with India was a perceived need to stop a Soviet-U. Sinha suggests that China waited until October to attack because the timing of the war was exactly in parallel with American actions so as to avoid any chance of American or Soviet involvement.

Although American buildup of forces around Cuba occurred on the same day as the first major clash at Dhola, and China's buildup between 10 and 20 October appeared to coincide exactly with the United States establishment of a blockade against Cuba which began 20 October, the Chinese probably prepared for this before they could anticipate what would happen in Cuba.

Garver argues that the Chinese correctly assessed Indian border policies, particularly the Forward Policy, as attempts for incremental seizure of Chinese-controlled territory.

On Tibet, Garver argues that one of the major factors leading to China's decision for war with India was a common tendency of humans "to attribute others' behavior to interior motivations, while attributing their own behavior to situational factors".

Studies from China published in the s confirmed that the root cause for China going to war with India was the perceived Indian aggression in Tibet, with the forward policy simply catalysing the Chinese reaction.

Neville Maxwell and Allen Whiting argue that the Chinese leadership believed they were defending territory that was legitimately Chinese, and which was already under de facto Chinese occupation prior to Indian advances, and regarded the Forward Policy as an Indian attempt at creeping annexation.

Their [India's] continually pushing forward is like crossing the Chu Han boundary. What should we do? We can also set out a few pawns, on our side of the river.

If they do cross, we'll eat them up [chess metaphor meaning to take the opponent's pieces]. Of course, we cannot blindly eat them.

Lack of forbearance in small matters upsets great plans. We must pay attention to the situation. It also claimed that the Forward Policy was having success in cutting out supply lines of Chinese troops who had advanced South of the McMahon Line, though there was no evidence of such advance before the war.

The Forward Policy rested on the assumption that Chinese forces "were not likely to use force against any of our posts, even if they were in a position to do so".

No serious re-appraisal of this policy took place even when Chinese forces ceased withdrawing. Chinese policy toward India, therefore, operated on two seemingly contradictory assumptions in the first half of On the one hand, the Chinese leaders continued to entertain a hope, although a shrinking one, that some opening for talks would appear.

On the other hand, they read Indian statements and actions as clear signs that Nehru wanted to talk only about a Chinese withdrawal.

Regarding the hope, they were willing to negotiate and tried to prod Nehru into a similar attitude. Regarding Indian intentions, they began to act politically and to build a rationale based on the assumption that Nehru already had become a lackey of imperialism; for this reason he opposed border talks.

Krishna Menon is reported to have said that when he arrived in Geneva on 6 June for an international conference in Laos, Chinese officials in Chen Yi's delegation indicated that Chen might be interested in discussing the border dispute with him.

At several private meetings with Menon, Chen avoided any discussion of the dispute and Menon surmised that the Chinese wanted him to broach the matter first.

He did not, as he was under instructions from Nehru to avoid taking the initiative, leaving the Chinese with the impression that Nehru was unwilling to show any flexibility.

In September, the Chinese took a step toward criticising Nehru openly in their commentary. After citing Indonesian and Burmese press criticism of Nehru by name, the Chinese critiqued his moderate remarks on colonialism People's Daily Editorial, 9 September : "Somebody at the Non-Aligned Nations Conference advanced the argument that the era of classical colonialism is gone and dead On the same day, Chen Yi referred to Nehru by implication at the Bulgarian embassy reception: "Those who attempted to deny history, ignore reality, and distort the truth and who attempted to divert the Conference from its important object have failed to gain support and were isolated.

By early , the Chinese leadership began to believe that India's intentions were to launch a massive attack against Chinese troops, and that the Indian leadership wanted a war.

Although this action met little to no international protest or opposition, China saw it as an example of India's expansionist nature, especially in light of heated rhetoric from Indian politicians.

India's Home Minister declared, "If the Chinese will not vacate the areas occupied by it, India will have to repeat what it did in Goa.

India will certainly drive out the Chinese forces", [16] while another member of the Indian Congress Party pronounced, "India will take steps to end [Chinese] aggression on Indian soil just as it ended Portuguese aggression in Goa".

He wants to put it in our heart. We cannot close our eyes and await death. Xu Yan, prominent Chinese military historian and professor at the PLA's National Defense University , gives an account of the Chinese leadership's decision to go to war.

By late September , the Chinese leadership had begun to reconsider their policy of "armed coexistence", which had failed to address their concerns with the forward policy and Tibet, and consider a large, decisive strike.

The Indian side was confident war would not be triggered and made little preparations. India had only two divisions of troops in the region of the conflict.

Palit claimed that a war with China in the near future could be ruled out. General J. Dhillon expressed the opinion that "experience in Ladakh had shown that a few rounds fired at the Chinese would cause them to run away.

Recently declassified CIA documents which were compiled at the time reveal that India's estimates of Chinese capabilities made them neglect their military in favour of economic growth.

On 6 October , the Chinese leadership convened. The Chinese leadership and the Central Military Council decided upon war to launch a large-scale attack to punish perceived military aggression from India.

Mao and the Chinese leadership issued a directive laying out the objectives for the war. A main assault would be launched in the eastern sector, which would be coordinated with a smaller assault in the western sector.

All Indian troops within China's claimed territories in the eastern sector would be expelled, and the war would be ended with a unilateral Chinese ceasefire and withdrawal, followed by a return to the negotiating table.

He said that a well-fought war "will guarantee at least thirty years of peace" with India, and determined the benefits to offset the costs.

China also reportedly bought a significant amount of Indian rupee currency from Hong Kong, supposedly to distribute amongst its soldiers in preparation for the war.

On 8 October, additional veteran and elite divisions were ordered to prepare to move into Tibet from the Chengdu and Lanzhou military regions. Nehru has made up his mind to attack the Chinese frontier guards on an even bigger scale.

It is high time to shout to Mr. Nehru that the heroic Chinese troops, with the glorious tradition of resisting foreign aggression, can never be cleared by anyone from their own territory If there are still some maniacs who are reckless enough to ignore our well-intentioned advice and insist on having another try, well, let them do so.

History will pronounce its inexorable verdict At this critical moment Nehru: better rein in at the edge of the precipice and do not use the lives of Indian troops as stakes in your gamble.

Marshal Liu Bocheng headed a group to determine the strategy for the war. He concluded that the opposing Indian troops were among India's best, and to achieve victory would require deploying crack troops and relying on force concentration to achieve decisive victory.

On 16 October, this war plan was approved, and on the 18th, the final approval was given by the Politburo for a "self-defensive counter-attack", scheduled for 20 October.

On 20 October , the Chinese People's Liberation Army launched two attacks, kilometres miles apart. Some skirmishes also took place at the Nathula Pass , which is in the Indian state of Sikkim an Indian protectorate at that time.

Gurkha rifles travelling north were targeted by Chinese artillery fire. After four days of fierce fighting, the three regiments of Chinese troops succeeded in securing a substantial portion of the disputed territory.

Chinese troops launched an attack on the southern banks of the Namka Chu River on 20 October. They formed up into battalions on the Indian-held south side of the river under cover of darkness, with each battalion assigned against a separate group of Rajputs.

At am, Chinese mortar fire began attacking the Indian positions. Simultaneously, the Chinese cut the Indian telephone lines, preventing the defenders from making contact with their headquarters.

At about am, the Chinese infantry launched a surprise attack from the rear and forced the Indians to leave their trenches. The Chinese overwhelmed the Indian troops in a series of flanking manoeuvres south of the McMahon Line and prompted their withdrawal from Namka Chu.

Chinese forces respected the border and did not pursue. Some Chinese troops attacked the Indian position. The initial Chinese assault was halted by accurate Indian mortar fire.

The Chinese were then reinforced and launched a second assault. The Indians managed to hold them back for four hours, but the Chinese used weight of numbers to break through.

Most Indian forces were withdrawn to established positions in Walong, while a company supported by mortars and medium machine guns remained to cover the retreat.

Elsewhere, Chinese troops launched a three-pronged attack on Tawang , which the Indians evacuated without any resistance. Over the following days, there were clashes between Indian and Chinese patrols at Walong as the Chinese rushed in reinforcements.

On 25 October, the Chinese made a probe, which was met with resistance from the 4th Sikhs. The following day, a patrol from the 4th Sikhs was encircled, and after being unable to break the encirclement, an Indian unit was able to flank the Chinese, allowing the Sikhs to break free.

On the Aksai Chin front, China already controlled most of the disputed territory. Chinese forces quickly swept the region of any remaining Indian troops.

Most Indian troops positioned in these posts offered resistance but were either killed or taken prisoner. Indian support for these outposts was not forthcoming, as evidenced by the Galwan post, which had been surrounded by enemy forces in August, but no attempt made to relieve the besieged garrison.

Following the 20 October attack, nothing was heard from Galwan. On 24 October, Indian forces fought hard to hold the Rezang La Ridge, in order to prevent a nearby airstrip from falling.

After realising the magnitude of the attack, the Indian Western Command withdrew many of the isolated outposts to the south-east.

Daulet Beg Oldi was also evacuated, but it was south of the Chinese claim line and was not approached by Chinese forces. Indian troops were withdrawn in order to consolidate and regroup in the event that China probed south of their claim line.

The majority of Chinese forces had advanced sixteen kilometres 10 miles south of the control line prior to the conflict. Four days of fighting were followed by a three-week lull.

Zhou ordered the troops to stop advancing as he attempted to negotiate with Nehru. The Indian forces had retreated into more heavily fortified positions around Se La and Bomdi La which would be difficult to assault.

Nehru's 27 October reply expressed interest in the restoration of peace and friendly relations and suggested a return to the "boundary prior to 8 September ".

He was categorically concerned about a mutual twenty kilometre mile withdrawal after "40 or 60 kilometres 25 or 40 miles of blatant military aggression".

He wanted the creation of a larger immediate buffer zone and thus resist the possibility of a repeat offensive.

Facing Chinese forces maintaining themselves on Indian soil and trying to avoid political pressure, the Indian parliament announced a national emergency and passed a resolution which stated their intent to "drive out the aggressors from the sacred soil of India".

The Soviet Union was preoccupied with the Cuban Missile Crisis and did not offer the support it had provided in previous years.

With the backing of other great powers , a 14 November letter by Nehru to Zhou once again rejected his proposal. Neither side declared war, used their air force, or fully broke off diplomatic relations, but the conflict is commonly referred to as a war.

This war coincided with the Cuban Missile Crisis and was viewed by the western nations at the time as another act of aggression by the Communist bloc.

After Zhou received Nehru's letter rejecting Zhou's proposal , the fighting resumed on the eastern theatre on 14 November Nehru's birthday , with an Indian attack on Walong, claimed by China, launched from the defensive position of Se La and inflicting heavy casualties on the Chinese.

These positions were defended by the Indian 4th Infantry Division. Instead of attacking by road as expected, PLA forces approached via a mountain trail, and their attack cut off a main road and isolated 10, Indian troops.

Se La occupied high ground, and rather than assault this commanding position, the Chinese captured Thembang, which was a supply route to Se La.

Their attack started at am, despite a mist surrounding most of the areas in the region. At the Chinese troops advanced to attack two platoons of Indian troops at Gurung Hill.

The Indians did not know what was happening, as communications were dead. As a patrol was sent, China attacked with greater numbers.

Indian artillery could not hold off the superior Chinese forces. By am, Chinese forces attacked Gurung Hill directly and Indian commanders withdrew from the area and also from the connecting Spangur Gap.

The Chinese had been simultaneously attacking Rezang La which was held by Indian troops. At am, Chinese troops launched their attack audaciously.

Chinese medium machine gun fire pierced through the Indian tactical defences. At am the sun rose and the Chinese attack on the 8th platoon began in waves.

Fighting continued for the next hour, until the Chinese signaled that they had destroyed the 7th platoon.

Indians tried to use light machine guns on the medium machine guns from the Chinese but after 10 minutes the battle was over.

Indian sources believed that their troops were just coming to grips with the mountain combat and finally called for more troops.

The Chinese declared a ceasefire, ending the bloodshed. Indian forces suffered heavy casualties, with dead Indian troops' bodies being found in the ice, frozen with weapons in hand.

The Chinese forces also suffered heavy casualties, especially at Rezang La. China claimed that the Indian troops wanted to fight on until the bitter end.

The war ended with their withdrawal, so as to limit the number of casualties. China had reached its claim lines so the PLA did not advance farther, and on 19 November, it declared a unilateral cease-fire.

Zhou Enlai declared a unilateral ceasefire to start on midnight, 21 November. Zhou's ceasefire declaration stated,. Beginning from 21 November , the Chinese frontier guards will cease fire along the entire Sino-Indian border.

Beginning from 1 December , the Chinese frontier guards will withdraw to positions 20 kilometres 12 miles behind the line of actual control which existed between China and India on 7 November In the eastern sector, although the Chinese frontier guards have so far been fighting on Chinese territory north of the traditional customary line, they are prepared to withdraw from their present positions to the north of the illegal McMahon Line, and to withdraw twenty kilometres 12 miles back from that line.

In the middle and western sectors, the Chinese frontier guards will withdraw twenty kilometres 12 miles from the line of actual control.

The aircraft carrier was ordered back after the ceasefire, and thus, American intervention on India's side in the war was avoided.

Retreating Indian troops, who hadn't come into contact with anyone knowing of the ceasefire, and Chinese troops in NEFA and Aksai Chin, were involved in some minor battles, [16] but for the most part, the ceasefire signalled an end to the fighting.

The United States Air Force flew in supplies to India in November , but neither side wished to continue hostilities.

Toward the end of the war India increased its support for Tibetan refugees and revolutionaries, some of them having settled in India, as they were fighting the same common enemy in the region.

The Nehru administration ordered the raising of an elite Indian-trained " Tibetan Armed Force " composed of Tibetan refugees. The Chinese military action has been viewed by the United States as part of the PRC's policy of making use of aggressive wars to settle its border disputes and to distract both its own population and international opinion from its internal issues.

This was further triggered by Mao Zedong 's views that: "The way to world conquest lies through Havana, Accra, and Calcutta".

Calvin believes that Chinese actions show a "pattern of conservative aims and limited objectives, rather than expansionism" and blames this particular conflict on India's provocations towards China.

Calvin also expresses that China, in the past, has been adamant to gain control over regions to which it has a "traditional claim", which triggered the dispute over NEFA and Aksai Chin and indeed Tibet.

Calvin's assumption, based on the history of the Cold War and the Domino Effect, assumed that China might ultimately try to regain control of everything that it considers as "traditionally Chinese" which in its view includes the entirety of South East Asia.

The Kennedy administration was disturbed by what they considered "blatant Chinese communist aggression against India".

In a May National Security Council meeting, contingency planning on the part of the United States in the event of another Chinese attack on India was discussed.

Defense Secretary Robert McNamara and General Maxwell Taylor advised the president to use nuclear weapons should the Americans intervene in such a situation.

McNamara stated "Before any substantial commitment to defend India against China is given, we should recognise that in order to carry out that commitment against any substantial Chinese attack, we would have to use nuclear weapons.

Any large Chinese Communist attack on any part of that area would require the use of nuclear weapons by the U. India developed its own nuclear weapon by , within 10 years of the Chinese.

The United States was unequivocal in its recognition of the Indian boundary claims in the eastern sector, while not supporting the claims of either side in the western sector.

The non-aligned nations remained mostly uninvolved, and only the United Arab Republic [ clarification needed ] openly supported India. As for the causes of the war, Zhou asserted that China did not try to expel Indian troops from south of the McMahon line and that three open warning telegrams were sent to Nehru before the war.

Indian patrols south of the McMahon line were expelled and suffered casualties in the Chinese attack. While Western nations did not view Chinese actions favourably because of fear of the Chinese and competitiveness, [16] Pakistan, which had had a turbulent relationship with India ever since the Indian partition , improved its relations with China after the war.

China , which was rejected by India. As a result, Pakistan made efforts to improve its relations with China. The following year, China and Pakistan peacefully settled disputes on their shared border, and negotiated the China-Pakistan Border Treaty in , as well as trade, commercial, and barter treaties.

It effectively ended in a stalemate as Calvin states that the Sino-Indian War had caused the previously passive government to take a stand on actively modernising India's military.

During the conflict, Nehru wrote two letters to U. President John F. Kennedy , asking for 12 squadrons of fighter jets and a modern radar system.

These jets were seen as necessary to beef up Indian air strength so that air-to-air combat could be initiated safely from the Indian perspective bombing troops was seen as unwise for fear of Chinese retaliatory action.

Nehru also asked that these aircraft be manned by American pilots until Indian airmen were trained to replace them.

The U. As the Sino-Soviet split heated up, Moscow made a major effort to support India, especially with the sale of advanced MiG warplanes.

India and the USSR reached an agreement in August before the Cuban Missile Crisis for the immediate purchase of twelve MiGs as well as for Soviet technical assistance in the manufacture of these aircraft in India.

According to P. Chari, "The intended Indian production of these relatively sophisticated aircraft could only have incensed Peking so soon after the withdrawal of Soviet technicians from China.

However Moscow offered loans, low prices and technical help in upgrading India's armaments industry. India by was a major purchaser of Soviet arms.

Parthasarathy , "only after we got nothing from the US did arms supplies from the Soviet Union to India commence. In , President of Pakistan Ayub Khan made clear to India that Indian troops could safely be transferred from the Pakistan frontier to the Himalayas.

According to the China's official military history, the war achieved China's policy objectives of securing borders in its western sector, as China retained de facto control of the Aksai Chin.

After the war, India abandoned the Forward Policy, and the de facto borders stabilised along the Line of Actual Control. According to James Calvin of Marine Corps Command and Staff College, even though China won a military victory it lost in terms of its international image.

Lora Saalman opined in a study of Chinese military publications, that while the war led to much blame, debates and ultimately acted as causation of military modernisation of India but the war is now treated as basic reportage of facts with relatively diminished interest by Chinese analysts.

The aftermath of the war saw sweeping changes in the Indian military to prepare it for similar conflicts in the future, and placed pressure on Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru , who was seen as responsible for failing to anticipate the Chinese attack on India.

Indians reacted with a surge in patriotism and memorials were erected for many of the Indian troops who died in the war. Arguably, the main lesson India learned from the war was the need to strengthen its own defences and a shift from Nehru's foreign policy with China based on his stated concept of "brotherhood".

Because of India's inability to anticipate Chinese aggression, Prime Minister Nehru faced harsh criticism from government officials, for having promoted pacifist relations with China.

The CIA later revealed that at that time the Chinese had neither the fuel nor runways long enough for using their air force effectively in Tibet.

Many Indians view the war as a betrayal of India's attempts at establishing a long-standing peace with China and started to question the once popular "Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai" meaning "Indians and Chinese are brothers".

The war also put an end to Nehru's earlier hopes that India and China would form a strong Asian Axis to counteract the increasing influence of the Cold War bloc superpowers.

The unpreparedness of the army was blamed on Defence Minister Menon , who resigned his government post to allow for someone who might modernise India's military further.

India's policy of weaponisation via indigenous sources and self-sufficiency was thus cemented. Sensing a weakened army, Pakistan , a close ally of China, began a policy of provocation against India by infiltrating Jammu and Kashmir and ultimately triggering the Second Kashmir War with India in and Indo-Pakistani war of The Attack of was successfully stopped and ceasefire was negotiated under international pressure.

As a result of the war, the Indian government commissioned an investigation, resulting in the classified Henderson Brooks—Bhagat Report on the causes of the war and the reasons for failure.

India's performance in high-altitude combat in led to an overhaul of the Indian Army in terms of doctrine, training, organisation and equipment.

Neville Maxwell claimed that the Indian role in international affairs after the border war was also greatly reduced after the war and India's standing in the non-aligned movement suffered.

According to James Calvin, an analyst from the U. Navy, India gained many benefits from the conflict. This war united the country as never before.

India got 32, square miles 8. The new Indian republic had avoided international alignments; by asking for help during the war, India demonstrated its willingness to accept military aid from several sectors.

And, finally, India recognised the serious weaknesses in its army. It would more than double its military manpower in the next two years and it would work hard to resolve the military's training and logistic problems to later become the second-largest army in the world.

India's efforts to improve its military posture significantly enhanced its army's capabilities and preparedness. Soon after the end of the war, the Indian government passed the Defence of India Act in December , [] permitting the "apprehension and detention in custody of any person [suspected] of being of hostile origin.

The last internees were not released until Thousands more Chinese-Indians were forcibly deported or coerced to leave India.

Nearly all internees had their properties sold off or looted. They could not travel freely until the mids. India also reported some military conflicts with China after the war.

In late , there were two incidents in which both countries exchanged fire in Sikkim. The first one was dubbed the "Nathu La incident", and the other being " Chola incident " in which advancing Chinese forces were forced to withdraw from Sikkim, then a protectorate of India and later a state of India after annexation in In the Sino-Indian skirmish , both sides showed military restraint and it was a bloodless conflict.

In the two countries once again were involved in a military standoff , in which several troops were injured. In , soldiers were killed in skirmishes for the first time since the war ended.

On 20 November , Indian politicians from Arunachal Pradesh expressed their concern over Chinese military modernization and appealed to parliament to take a harder stance on the PRC following a military buildup on the border similar to that in On 6 July , the historic Silk Road passing through this territory via the Nathu La pass was reopened.

Both sides have agreed to resolve the issues by peaceful means. In October , it was stated that India and China will formulate a border mechanism to handle different perceptions as to the LAC and resume the bilateral army exercises between the Indian and Chinese army from early From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

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September Learn how and when to remove this template message. Main articles: China—India relations and Sino-Indian border dispute.

Main article: Aksai Chin. Main article: Events leading to the Sino-Indian War. Main article: Internment of Chinese-Indians.

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Editing help is available. June Previous to the rebellions in Eastern Turkistan which broke up Chinese rule there in , the Kashmiris had occupied Shahidulla for nearly 20 years.

About they abandoned it, and in Shaw and Hayward found it occupied by the Andijani Kokandi troops of the late Amir Yakub Beg. In —74 Sir D.

Die Jugendorganisation der Kommunistischen Partei hat sich bereits in der Vergangenheit gegen die Stigmatisierung von Homosexualität als Krankheit eingesetzt. Am Es handelt sich dabei um verifizierte Accounts ähnlich dem Beste Spielothek in LГјhe finden von Sina Weibo. Im Gegensatz zu Twitter kann der Microbloggingdienst sich jedoch auf einen Quartalsgewinn von 46,6 Mio. Die Zensur soll in Zukunft noch verstärkt werden. Wechat ist eine kostenlose Instant-Messaging-App für Smartphones, die von der chinesischen Firma Tencent entwickelt wurde. In Zukunft können alle Staatsangestellten in Festland-China von der Kommunistischen Partei ausgespäht und inhaftiert werden. Laut Alexa. Sina Weibo. Verglichen mit Online Dating Portal Medien in China gewährleistete weibo.

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Retrieved Alexa Internet. Archived from the original on 29 May Retrieved 31 May Business Insider. The Surfer-in-chief and the would-be kings of content — a short study of Sina.

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Namespaces Article Talk. Views Read Edit View history. Help Community portal Recent changes Upload file. Download as PDF Printable version. Chinese military action grew increasingly aggressive after India rejected proposed Chinese diplomatic settlements throughout —, with China re-commencing previously-banned "forward patrols" in Ladakh from 30 April The war ended when China declared a ceasefire on 20 November , and simultaneously announced its withdrawal to its claimed "Line of Actual Control".

Much of the fighting took place in harsh mountain conditions , entailing large-scale combat at altitudes of over 4, metres 14, feet.

As the Sino-Soviet split heated up, Moscow made a major effort to support India, especially with the sale of advanced MiG fighter-aircraft. This was the first war between India and China.

Following the end of the war, both sides kept forward armed positions and a number of small clashes broke out, but no large-scale fighting ensued.

China and India shared a long border, sectioned into three stretches by Nepal , Sikkim then an Indian protectorate , and Bhutan , which follows the Himalayas between Burma and what was then West Pakistan.

A number of disputed regions lie along this border. At its western end is the Aksai Chin region, an area the size of Switzerland , that sits between the Chinese autonomous region of Xinjiang and Tibet which China declared as an autonomous region in Both of these regions were overrun by China in the conflict.

Most combat took place at high elevations. The Aksai Chin region is a desert of salt flats around 5, metres 16, feet above sea level, and Arunachal Pradesh is mountainous with a number of peaks exceeding 7, metres 23, feet.

The Chinese Army had possession of one of the highest ridges in the regions. The high altitude and freezing conditions also caused logistical and welfare difficulties; in past similar conflicts such as the Italian Campaign of World War I harsh conditions have caused more casualties than have enemy actions.

The Sino-Indian War was no different, with many troops on both sides succumbing to the freezing cold temperatures. The main cause of the war was a dispute over the sovereignty of the widely separated Aksai Chin and Arunachal Pradesh border regions.

Aksai Chin, claimed by India to belong to Kashmir and by China to be part of Xinjiang, contains an important road link that connects the Chinese regions of Tibet and Xinjiang.

China's construction of this road was one of the triggers of the conflict. The western portion of the Sino-Indian boundary originated in , with the conquest of Ladakh by the armies of Raja Gulab Singh Dogra under the suzerainty of the Sikh Empire.

Following an unsuccessful campaign into Tibet, Gulab Singh and the Tibetans signed a treaty in agreeing to stick to the "old, established frontiers", which were left unspecified.

British commissioners contacted Chinese officials to negotiate the border, who did not show any interest.

The Maharaja of Kashmir and his officials were keenly aware of the trade routes from Ladakh. Starting from Leh , there were two main routes into Central Asia: one passed through the Karakoram Pass to Shahidulla at the foot of the Kunlun Mountains and went on to Yarkand through the Kilian and Sanju passes; the other went east via the Chang Chenmo Valley , passed the Lingzi Tang Plains in the Aksai Chin region, and followed the course of the Karakash River to join the first route at Shahidulla.

His British suzerains were sceptical of such an extended boundary because Shahidulla was 79 miles away from the Karakoram pass and the intervening area was uninhabited.

Nevertheless, the Maharaja was allowed to treat Shahidulla as his outpost for more than 20 years. Chinese Turkestan regarded the "northern branch" of the Kunlun range with the Kilian and Sanju passes as its southern boundary.

Thus the Maharaja's claim was uncontested. The fort was most likely supplied from Khotan , whose ruler was now independent and on friendly terms with Kashmir.

When the Khotanese ruler was deposed by the Kashgaria strongman Yakub Beg , the Maharaja was forced to abandon his post in It was then occupied by Yakub Beg's forces until the end of the Dungan Revolt.

Johnson of Survey of India was commissioned to survey the Aksai Chin region. While in the course of his work, he was "invited" by the Khotanese ruler to visit his capital.

After returning, Johnson noted that Khotan's border was at Brinjga, in the Kunlun mountains, and the entire the Karakash Valley was within the territory of Kashmir.

After the Chinese reconquered Turkestan in , renaming it Xinjiang , they again reverted to their traditional boundary.

By now, the Russian Empire was entrenched in Central Asia, and the British were anxious to avoid a common border with the Russians.

After creating the Wakhan corridor as the buffer in the northwest of Kashmir, they wanted the Chinese to fill out the "no man's land" between the Karakoram and Kunlun ranges.

Under British and possibly Russian encouragement, the Chinese occupied the area up to the Yarkand River valley called Raskam , including Shahidulla, by A map provided by Hung Ta-chen, a senior Chinese official at St.

Petersburgh , in showed the boundary of Xinjiang up to Raskam. In the east, it was similar to the Johnson line, placing Aksai Chin in Kashmir territory.

By , the British settled on the policy that their preferred boundary for Kashmir was the "Indus watershed", i.

In the north, this water-parting was along the Karakoram range. In return, the British wanted China to cede its 'shadowy suzerainty' on Hunza.

They took no steps to establish outposts or assert control on the ground. Patterson , when the Indian government finally produced a report detailing the alleged proof of India's claims to the disputed area, "the quality of the Indian evidence was very poor, including some very dubious sources indeed".

In —57, China constructed a road through Aksai Chin, connecting Xinjiang and Tibet , which ran south of the Johnson Line in many places.

In , Major J. In , four monastic officials from Tibet arrived in Tawang and supervised a boundary settlement with Major R. Thus, in the last half of the 19th century, it was clear that the British treated the Tawang Tract as part of Tibet.

This boundary was confirmed in a 1 June note from the British General Staff in India, stating that the "present boundary demarcated is south of Tawang, running westwards along the foothills from near Udalguri, Darrang to the southern Bhutanese border and Tezpur claimed by China.

Whilst all three representatives initialed the agreement, Beijing later objected to the proposed boundary between the regions of Outer Tibet and Inner Tibet, and did not ratify it.

The details of the Indo-Tibetan boundary was not revealed to China at the time. O'Callaghan, an official in the Eastern Sector of the North East Frontier , relocated all these markers to a location slightly south of the McMahon Line, and then visited Rima to confirm with Tibetan officials that there was no Chinese influence in the area.

China took the position that the Tibetan government should not have been allowed to make such a treaty, rejecting Tibet's claims of independent rule.

Due to the increased threat of Japanese and Chinese expansion during this period, British Indian troops secured the town as part of the defence of India's eastern border.

In the s, India began patrolling the region. It found that, at multiple locations, the highest ridges actually fell north of the McMahon Line. The s saw huge change with the Partition of India in resulting in the establishment of the two new states of India and Pakistan , and the establishment of the People's Republic of China PRC after the Chinese Civil War in One of the most basic policies for the new Indian government was that of maintaining cordial relations with China, reviving its ancient friendly ties.

India was among the first nations to grant diplomatic recognition to the newly created PRC. At the time, Chinese officials issued no condemnation of Nehru's claims or made any opposition to Nehru's open declarations of control over Aksai Chin.

Later the Chinese extended their influence by building a road in —67 [16] and placing border posts in Aksai Chin.

In , Prime Minister Nehru wrote a memo calling for India's borders to be clearly defined and demarcated; [28] in line with previous Indian philosophy, Indian maps showed a border that, in some places, lay north of the McMahon Line.

In , China and India negotiated the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence , by which the two nations agreed to abide in settling their disputes.

India presented a frontier map which was accepted by China, and the slogan Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai Indians and Chinese are brothers was popular then.

Nehru in had privately told G. Parthasarathi , the Indian envoy to China not to trust the Chinese at all and send all communications directly to him, bypassing the Defence Minister VK Krishna Menon since his communist background clouded his thinking about China.

Garver believes that Nehru's previous actions had given him confidence that China would be ready to form an "Asian Axis" with India. This apparent progress in relations suffered a major setback when, in , Nehru accommodated the Tibetan religious leader at the time, the 14th Dalai Lama , who fled Lhasa after a failed Tibetan uprising against Chinese rule.

Border incidents continued through this period. In August , the People's Liberation Army took an Indian prisoner at Longju, which had an ambiguous position in the McMahon Line, [16] [48] [51] and two months later in Aksai Chin, a clash at Kongka Pass led to the death of nine Indian frontier policemen.

The People's Liberation Army went so far as to prepare a self-defence counterattack plan. Adhering to his stated position, Nehru believed that China did not have a legitimate claim over either of these territories, and thus was not ready to concede them.

This adamant stance was perceived in China as Indian opposition to Chinese rule in Tibet. In , based on an agreement between Nehru and Zhou Enlai, officials from India and China held discussions in order to settle the boundary dispute.

At the beginning of , Nehru appointed General B. Kaul as army Chief of General Staff, [58] but he refused to increase military spending and prepare for a possible war.

Navy, in , India started sending Indian troops and border patrols into disputed areas. This program created both border skirmishes and deteriorating relations between India and China.

According to the Indian official history, implementation of the Forward Policy was intended to provide evidence of Indian occupation in the previously unoccupied region through which Chinese troops had been advancing.

Kaul was confident, through contact with Indian Intelligence and CIA information, that China would not react with force.

This led to a tit-for-tat Indian reaction, with each force attempting to outmanoeuver the other. Despite the escalating nature of the dispute, the two forces withheld from engaging each other directly.

Chinese attention was diverted for a time by the military activity of the Nationalists on Taiwan , but on 23 June the U. Various border conflicts and "military incidents" between India and China flared up throughout the summer and autumn of In May, the Indian Air Force was told not to plan for close air support , although it was assessed as being a feasible way to counter the unfavourable ratio of Chinese to Indian troops.

The Indian Intelligence Bureau received information about a Chinese buildup along the border which could be a precursor to war.

During June—July , Indian military planners began advocating "probing actions" against the Chinese, and accordingly, moved mountain troops forward to cut off Chinese supply lines.

According to Patterson, the Indian motives were threefold:. On 10 July , Chinese troops surrounded an Indian post in Chushul north of the McMahon Line but withdrew after a heated argument via loudspeaker.

Fire was not exchanged, but Nehru told the media that the Indian Army had instructions to "free our territory" and the troops had been given discretion to use force.

The operation to occupy Thag La was flawed in that Nehru's directives were unclear and it got underway very slowly because of this. Some Indian troops, including Brigadier Dalvi who commanded the forces at Thag La, were also concerned that the territory they were fighting for was not strictly territory that "we should have been convinced was ours".

Indian troops marching to Thag La had suffered in the previously unexperienced conditions; two Gurkha soldiers died of pulmonary edema.

On 10 October, an Indian Rajput patrol of 50 troops to Yumtso La were met by an emplaced Chinese position of some 1, soldiers.

The Indians were surrounded by Chinese positions which used mortar fire. They managed to hold off the first Chinese assault, inflicting heavy casualties.

At this point, the Indian troops were in a position to push the Chinese back with mortar and machine gun fire.

Brigadier Dalvi opted not to fire, as it would mean decimating the Rajput who were still in the area of the Chinese regrouping.

They helplessly watched the Chinese ready themselves for a second assault. The Indian patrol suffered 25 casualties, and the Chinese The Chinese troops held their fire as the Indians retreated, and then buried the Indian dead with military honours, as witnessed by the retreating soldiers.

This was the first occurrence of heavy fighting in the war. This attack had grave implications for India and Nehru tried to solve the issue, but by 18 October, it was clear that the Chinese were preparing for an attack, with a massive troop buildup.

Two of the major factors leading up to China's eventual conflicts with Indian troops were India's stance on the disputed borders and perceived Indian subversion in Tibet.

There was "a perceived need to punish and end perceived Indian efforts to undermine Chinese control of Tibet, Indian efforts which were perceived as having the objective of restoring the pre status quo ante of Tibet".

The other was "a perceived need to punish and end perceived Indian aggression against Chinese territory along the border". John W. Garver argues that the first perception was incorrect based on the state of the Indian military and polity in the s.

It was, nevertheless a major reason for China's going to war. He argues that while the Chinese perception of Indian border actions were "substantially accurate", Chinese perceptions of the supposed Indian policy towards Tibet were "substantially inaccurate".

In general terms, they tried to show the Indians once and for all that China would not acquiesce in a military "reoccupation" policy.

Secondary reasons for the attack were to damage Nehru's prestige by exposing Indian weakness and [49] to expose as traitorous Khrushchev's policy of supporting Nehru against a Communist country.

Another factor which might have affected China's decision for war with India was a perceived need to stop a Soviet-U.

Sinha suggests that China waited until October to attack because the timing of the war was exactly in parallel with American actions so as to avoid any chance of American or Soviet involvement.

Although American buildup of forces around Cuba occurred on the same day as the first major clash at Dhola, and China's buildup between 10 and 20 October appeared to coincide exactly with the United States establishment of a blockade against Cuba which began 20 October, the Chinese probably prepared for this before they could anticipate what would happen in Cuba.

Garver argues that the Chinese correctly assessed Indian border policies, particularly the Forward Policy, as attempts for incremental seizure of Chinese-controlled territory.

On Tibet, Garver argues that one of the major factors leading to China's decision for war with India was a common tendency of humans "to attribute others' behavior to interior motivations, while attributing their own behavior to situational factors".

Studies from China published in the s confirmed that the root cause for China going to war with India was the perceived Indian aggression in Tibet, with the forward policy simply catalysing the Chinese reaction.

Neville Maxwell and Allen Whiting argue that the Chinese leadership believed they were defending territory that was legitimately Chinese, and which was already under de facto Chinese occupation prior to Indian advances, and regarded the Forward Policy as an Indian attempt at creeping annexation.

Their [India's] continually pushing forward is like crossing the Chu Han boundary. What should we do? We can also set out a few pawns, on our side of the river.

If they do cross, we'll eat them up [chess metaphor meaning to take the opponent's pieces]. Of course, we cannot blindly eat them. Lack of forbearance in small matters upsets great plans.

We must pay attention to the situation. It also claimed that the Forward Policy was having success in cutting out supply lines of Chinese troops who had advanced South of the McMahon Line, though there was no evidence of such advance before the war.

The Forward Policy rested on the assumption that Chinese forces "were not likely to use force against any of our posts, even if they were in a position to do so".

No serious re-appraisal of this policy took place even when Chinese forces ceased withdrawing. Chinese policy toward India, therefore, operated on two seemingly contradictory assumptions in the first half of On the one hand, the Chinese leaders continued to entertain a hope, although a shrinking one, that some opening for talks would appear.

On the other hand, they read Indian statements and actions as clear signs that Nehru wanted to talk only about a Chinese withdrawal.

Regarding the hope, they were willing to negotiate and tried to prod Nehru into a similar attitude. Regarding Indian intentions, they began to act politically and to build a rationale based on the assumption that Nehru already had become a lackey of imperialism; for this reason he opposed border talks.

Krishna Menon is reported to have said that when he arrived in Geneva on 6 June for an international conference in Laos, Chinese officials in Chen Yi's delegation indicated that Chen might be interested in discussing the border dispute with him.

At several private meetings with Menon, Chen avoided any discussion of the dispute and Menon surmised that the Chinese wanted him to broach the matter first.

He did not, as he was under instructions from Nehru to avoid taking the initiative, leaving the Chinese with the impression that Nehru was unwilling to show any flexibility.

In September, the Chinese took a step toward criticising Nehru openly in their commentary. After citing Indonesian and Burmese press criticism of Nehru by name, the Chinese critiqued his moderate remarks on colonialism People's Daily Editorial, 9 September : "Somebody at the Non-Aligned Nations Conference advanced the argument that the era of classical colonialism is gone and dead On the same day, Chen Yi referred to Nehru by implication at the Bulgarian embassy reception: "Those who attempted to deny history, ignore reality, and distort the truth and who attempted to divert the Conference from its important object have failed to gain support and were isolated.

By early , the Chinese leadership began to believe that India's intentions were to launch a massive attack against Chinese troops, and that the Indian leadership wanted a war.

Although this action met little to no international protest or opposition, China saw it as an example of India's expansionist nature, especially in light of heated rhetoric from Indian politicians.

India's Home Minister declared, "If the Chinese will not vacate the areas occupied by it, India will have to repeat what it did in Goa.

India will certainly drive out the Chinese forces", [16] while another member of the Indian Congress Party pronounced, "India will take steps to end [Chinese] aggression on Indian soil just as it ended Portuguese aggression in Goa".

He wants to put it in our heart. We cannot close our eyes and await death. Xu Yan, prominent Chinese military historian and professor at the PLA's National Defense University , gives an account of the Chinese leadership's decision to go to war.

By late September , the Chinese leadership had begun to reconsider their policy of "armed coexistence", which had failed to address their concerns with the forward policy and Tibet, and consider a large, decisive strike.

The Indian side was confident war would not be triggered and made little preparations. India had only two divisions of troops in the region of the conflict.

Palit claimed that a war with China in the near future could be ruled out. General J. Dhillon expressed the opinion that "experience in Ladakh had shown that a few rounds fired at the Chinese would cause them to run away.

Recently declassified CIA documents which were compiled at the time reveal that India's estimates of Chinese capabilities made them neglect their military in favour of economic growth.

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